Sun. Nov 29th, 2020

In recent weeks, Trump administration has stepped up Efforts to On “regime change” in Venezuela. In the past, Trump himself has also cited military action as a possible option, but the most recent steps are more likely to be implemented, and some are already operational.

According to a source privy to the case, Henry Falcon, the main opposition contender for Venezuela’s May presidential election, was told by US officials that the Trump administration would consider financial sanctions against him if he joins the presidential race . (The US State Department did not return a request for comment.) The US has supported the main opposition coalition’s decision to boycott the election.

Falcon is a former governor and retired military officer. He is at the forefront of the latest surveys, and will be the most reliable opposition pollster Defeat In the Maduro election by a margin of about 7 percentage points.

Why would the Trump administration want to stop an opposition leader who could possibly win the race for the presidency in Venezuela in this election? There is no way to know for sure, but high-level sources from inside the administration have said that Florida Sen. Marco Rubio is determining US policy towards Venezuela. Rubio is a hardliner who is not interested in electoral or negotiated solutions to Venezuela’s political crisis. On 9 February, he supported a military coup while tweeting:

Such open support of Washington for a military coup against an elected government – before the coup took place – is unusual in the 21st century, to say the least. But Trump’s team is not waiting for this to happen. Rubio / Trump’s strategy seems to be trying to worsen the economic situation and increase suffering to the point where either the military, or rebel elements of the opposition, arise and overthrow the government.

that sounds like an objective On August 24, 2017, Trump ordered financial sanctions. These restrictions cut Venezuela from billions of dollars of potential debt, as well as revenue from its own oil company Citgo in the US. they have Broke down Drug and food shortages, an economy that already suffers from inflation of around 3,000 percent and a depression that costs about 38 percent of GDP. These restrictions are illegal under the Organization of American States Charter And under international Conferences Of which America is a signatory.

Now there are american officials Talking Regarding more brutal mass punishment: Venezuela’s oil sales cuts. This had not been done before because it would harm American oil refining interests importing Venezuelan oil. But the administration has conceived the idea of ​​tapping the US strategic petroleum reserves to soften the blow. All of this to overthrow a government that no one can claim any danger to the United States.

No one can pretend that the Trump administration cares about fair elections in Latin America. November 26 was the Honduran election Almost certainly stolen, And even Washington’s close aide, who heads OAS Secretary General Luis Almagro, called for it to run again. But the Trump administration went to Honduras with a president, Juan Orlando Hernández, a politician whose brother and security minister is involved with drug traffickers and whom Trump’s Chief of Staff John Kelly is the former head of the US Southern Command. Described As “great man” and “good friend”. The Trump administration has not objected to the killing of unarmed protesters or other human rights abuses – in fact, the State Department Certified Honduran government complying with human rights obligations only a few days after the election.

There are certainly legitimate complaints about the upcoming election in Venezuela. Some opposition candidates have been excluded, and the government pushed the election from its initial time in December to April. The opposition wanted it to go ahead, but it was more than they wanted. (On Thursday, Reuters reported that an agreement was reached between Venezuela’s election board and some opposition parties to hold elections in late May.)

Negotiations on these and other problems between the government and the opposition broke down last month, although the government agreed to allow election observers from the United Nations. In relation to the procedural credibility of Venezuela’s elections, there has been no questionable skepticism about the counting of votes in the last two decades, due to the adoption of a very secure voting system. (The only exception was the Constituent Assembly election of July 30 last year, which the opposition boycotted and some questions about the number of people who voted, and one of the 23 governors’ elections on October 15, where local votes would count Is; not credible.) For the current negotiations, we cannot know if the Trump administration was not working so hard to block the election, and to encourage extra-legal “regime change” as an opposition strategy Other disagreements were resolved.

The main opposition coalition, the Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD, abbreviated in Spanish), has now decided to boycott the elections. But it is unclear whether voters will follow his lead. Most reliable and recent Election, Torino Capital and Datanalysis show that 77.6 percent of voters intend to vote in the upcoming election, with only 12.3 percent planning to. They should have that opportunity, and the Trump administration should not try to distance them from them.



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