Fri. Nov 27th, 2020

Last Friday, Brazil President Michel Temer signed Decree Handing over the police forces of Rio de Janeiro to the country’s army. Temer defended the dramatic measure, Claiming that “Circumstances demand it” and federal troops implement “tough and resolute reactions” to defeat Rio’s violent drug smuggling gangs. Despite such a claim, it is a small and malleable political ploy that will fail to address Rio’s criminal violence problem. This sets a dangerous precedent for Brazilian democracy.

Temer’s decree came in 2016 after political impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff. Many Brazilians consider removing the budget to use the fiscal system to avoid budget shortfalls, Coup Through legal means. Since assuming office in August 2016 after serving as vice president of Rousseff, Temer has been a member of himself and his cabinet The accused Of corruption, including illegal campaign financing and taking bribes.

With approval ratings in single digits and a boom in this year’s elections, Temer is seeking to increase support. It’s her turn for one of brazil’s hottest believe Institutions, armed forces, play particularly well among the middle and upper classes of Brazil Welcome An active military role in curbing urban crime.

However, many other Brazilians are little about this development, as they have not forgotten the atrocities and human rights abuses committed by the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964–85). They worry about a growing far-right movement that calls for “military intervention, now” – a return to military rule.

Of temer Claim That “organized crime has virtually taken control of Rio de Janeiro” and military intervention for the “Intervention Order” is exceptionally reactionary. The government has long used widespread public fear at city fountains to prevent more and more informal informal settlements, where drug gangs operate. But now, Temer’s rhetoric is indicating the demise of Rio’s one-time Herald “Police Passification Program”, a policy that began in 2008 stating that territorial control of favelas should be withdrawn, and Weakness Due to lack of budget, lack of political will and deteriorating relationship with favela residents.

Gun control and gun rights cartoons

As a result, crime rates and murders have increased over the past several years, and an increasing number of civilians are being killed by police. Nevertheless, Rio is not close to being Brazil’s most violent city today. Once the epicenter of the country’s urban violence epidemic, Rio is now far away Transcended Many in the destitute Northeast of Brazil, by other urban centers.

Assertion That Rio’s drug gangs would “defeat” the military is also highly suspicious. Over the past several decades, federal troops have often supplemented Rio’s police, including the most recent during the 2016 Olympics. Experience has shown that the status quo returns after the military ceases its involvement. For example, in 2014, two months ahead of the World Cup, there were 2,500 Army and Marine soldiers. Posted In Complexo da Mar, a vast group of favelas with a population of 140,000. A year later, the military left the same day, the gang of Mars Control resume On its streets. In other countries of the region, notably Mexico, El Salvador and Honduras, violence escalated when terrorists clamped down on large, multifaceted criminal organizations because the perpetrators were Inspire To compete even more with each other and with government forces.

But the problem is not just that military control of policing will not provide a long-term solution. An even greater concern is what will happen if it is long term? Brazilian Army pledged to be always ready to save and save the country, Looking at myself Between chaos, corruption, and criminality as the bastion of responsibility and morality. Even today, there are many within the military who view dictatorship as a necessary measure to save Brazil from incompetent political leadership. It is not too much of a stretch, therefore, to see this military takeover as a warning about Brazilian democracy. One can imagine the military continuing in the same direction, taking advantage of today’s political upheaval and the civilian government is unfit to fully control the government.

Meanwhile, the faults of Rio and the vulnerable residents of the urban periphery are suffering the brunt of this policy. Previous examples The suggestion that the military would likely occupy their neighborhoods, implementing wartime strategies – including efforts to “win hearts and minds” – combating war-torn regions. Ironically, perhaps, the residents of Faulawa have more respect for the military than the corrupt police, whose violence marks their daily lives. But ultimately, the life they lead under military occupation is not the life that anyone wishes for. Their homes and bodies are regularly searched, they are constantly surveyed by patrols, subjected to nighttime curfew, and their civil society organizations are monitored and monitored. Especially young black men – all of whom are treated with discrimination and mistreatment of military suspects of involvement in the drug trade. This is life in a war zone.

Army-led policing would provide little if any real solution to Rio’s crime-related violence. Instead, it empowers the military to take more control of civilian life and normalize authoritarianism in a perceived democracy. It is a treacherous opening for a military that is ready to take more and more authority in a country whose current leadership has little public legitimacy.

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